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Lessig's Thoughts On Eldred v. Ashcroft Arguments 268

yokem_55 writes "Lawrence Lessig has updated his blog giving his thoughts on how the oral arguments for Eldred vs. Ashcroft went before the Supreme Court on Wednesday. He discusses the goals and methods he used in framing his arguments to convince the court to overturn the Sony Bono Copyright Term Extension Act, how he felt he did in presenting his arguments, and also provides some analysis on how he thinks the court might rule."
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Lessig's Thoughts On Eldred v. Ashcroft Arguments

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  • What a case (Score:2, Interesting)

    by Espectr0 ( 577637 )
    Why would someone fight to preserve a copyright that is not being used? It's too greedy.

    All of this just causes people to look for ways to violate copyrights. Talk about inverse psychology. People will do whatever it is forbidden because it's tempting
    • Re:What a case (Score:3, Insightful)

      by I Want GNU! ( 556631 )
      Maybe cause a very very small fraction of these copyrights *are* used and profit Disney? The vast majority of work from this long ago is barely making any profit, but there is a very tiny percentage making a positive amount of money for companies such as Disney. Meanwhile, the public domain is a public good and doesn't give Disney any benefit.

      Most corporations would completely disregard the environment since it costs them money to keep it clean (but anti environmental practices give them bad PR, so they only mostly disregard it). Disney and co disregard the public domain because instead of a nice fuzzy feeling they'd rather have their cold hard cash, even if it's just a bit. Remember that scene in Fight Club where Cornelius is on the airplane telling some woman about how auto companies measure the cost of settlements to keep quiet a problem with their cars that kills people versus the price that fixing them all would cost? That doesn't seem so far off (remember Firestone?).

      My point is that companies don't care squat about the public good. If anything gives them an additional cent, they won't care about the side effects. Since Disney stands to gain an extra couple of cents based on these laws they don't mind about us losing some works forever that won't be preserved.
      • by Spamalamadingdong ( 323207 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @02:14PM (#4441549) Homepage Journal
        Disney's made huge piles of cash off of the public domain. Look at what they raked in on Victor Hugo's work (the Hunchback of Notre Dame) after it went out of copyright. Ditto with Snow White and a pile of other, older works.

        Of course, when it comes time for Disney to give something back to the commons from which they've drawn so much, it's "different".

      • Re:What a case (Score:5, Insightful)

        by glandauer ( 206419 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @02:17PM (#4441563)

        The problem with Disney's views is that they're shortsighted- even for Disney. As people have routinely pointed out, Disney has been very aggressive about using public domain as a source for its works- i.e. Snow White, Sleeping Beauty, etc. That means that they could probably profit more than anyone else if the public domain was expanded. Yes, they'd lose the rights to Steamboat Willy, but how much money are they actually making from that? OTOH, Winnie the Pooh would be out of copyright pretty soon, so they wouldn't have to pay royalties to A.A. Milne's heirs for the use of Pooh. How many great movies could be made based on the works of Faulkner, Hemmingway, and the like that are currently being kept under copyright by the term extensions? How great would it be to be able to use Gershwin's music as a background score without having to pay his heirs for it? Why can't Disney see the advantages to them of being able to take advantage of the new works that would be going into the public domain?

        • Re:What a case (Score:5, Interesting)

          by Stonehand ( 71085 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @03:13PM (#4441799) Homepage
          Maybe it's a tactical decision.

          Somebody well-funded like the Walt Disney company can pay those royalties, or, if the royalties demanded are outrageous, spend some time and money looking for alternatives. An upstart on a much lower budget might be hampered far more if the copyrights remain.
          • Re:What a case (Score:3, Insightful)

            by PotatoHead ( 12771 )
            I don't think this is a 'maybe' at all. Disney wants to own the art of bringing classic works to new audiences. This is the core of their business.

            Everything they do comes from that. Great works are great works. Given a little honesty on Disney Corporations part, I would be willing to bet that the economics of creating great works to build their business on is just a bit tougher than building on those works already created.

            Sure, there are the occasional original works, but by and large, the really good stories, and I mean ones that people can identify with, are those that lie just far enough in the past that they can be used a source material while being just familiar enough that people are interested by name alone.

            Everyone knows about the stories that Disney likes to retell. This is where the power is for them. Early in school you were told about Pocahontas right? So was I and everyone else that has gone to school which basically means everyone. Now think back to those early years... Do you recall any of your imaginative images of that story? I can, though not well. Now combine that imagery with your young impressionable mind and the importance and intrigue generated by your teacher.

            Now forward 30 years or so and see the name again attached to a new attractive movie. You are already sold!

            Disney would profit from additional works, but so would others. Right now there are almost *zero* names associated with this particular form of entertainment. Should others begin the art, the Disney name would be diluted. Given how much investment and profit is tied to that, they will do anything to prevent that from happening...

            Clearly not a 'maybe' but a must! (From the Disney point of view.)

  • by Anonymous Coward

    Stanford Law School
    Lawrence Lessig
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    Lessig Blog Archives for October 2002

    September 2002 | Lessig Blog Main Page

    from the front line

    So there's an extraordinary (and extraordinarily interesting) range of reporting about the argument before the Court. As I was on the front line, let me add a bit more. My hope in doing this is to put this in a bit of context, and to highlight at least what we should be looking for. (EV predicts a 6-3 victory, which is significant, because he and I have a bet, and he took the other side.)

    Aaron reports Brewster's statement to him that "it was a dance for which I don't know the steps." That's close. I think the better analogy for someone viewing an oral argument for the first time is the first time you see a cricket match. There are some moves you are certain you know are bad (a swing and a miss); but there's lots that plays into something you can't quite get till you know the context of the game. Here, then, the context of the game, as well as the moves from last Wednesday.

    the aim

    Our aim from the start was to get this Court to view this case in the same frame that they viewed another important line of cases limiting Congress's power -- the commerce clause. In those cases, the Court has said, ours is a constitution of enumerated powers (i.e., the only powers congress has are the powers the constitution gives it); it follows that Congress's power must therefore be interpreted in a way that is limited; in the context of the Commerce Power, the government had argued for a standard (Congress can regulate anything that "affects" interstate commerce) that essentially meant it had no limit; therefore, in a line of cases beginning with Lopez, the Court said we need a different interpretation of "commerce" that actually recognizes limits. Limits, not control of Congress's discretion. Congress has discretion within the limits set by the constitution; but it has no discretion over what, or where, the limits sit.

    We want the Court to think in the same way about the Copyright Clause. As Judge Sentelle argued in dissent in the Court of Appeals, the Copyright Clause too is an enumerated power. It too therefore must have limits. But under the government's interpretation of that clause, "limited times" has no limits. Under its interpretation, Congress has a perpetual power to extend subsisting terms. Thus, under the Lopez-line of reasoning, that interpretation must be wrong. Instead, we wanted the court to adopt one of the plain meanings of the term "limited" (limited as in limited edition print) that would also produce an effective limit on Congress's power (that it could not extend existing terms) and would also achieve the ends that the framers sought to achieve (no continuing incentive of Congress to reward, as the Supreme Court said in Graham, "court favorites," but instead to create an incentive for "new" creativity only).

    Now that strategy was controversial from the start, especially because some of our natural allies (Stevens, Souter, Breyer) were so strongly opposed to the Lopez line of cases. But our call early on in this case was that they could be brought around to see that even if they oppose the results in Lopez, there was no reason to oppose the same reasoning in this case. Indeed, they could use this case to show why they were right in Lopez: They could argue that unlike the Copyright Clause, the Commerce Clause has no express limitation built into it; unlike the Copyright Clause, the limit the Court has found is wholly implied; thus, they could say, it is not appropriate to imply limits where not expressed. But, they could also say, where a limit is plainly express (as it is in the copyright clause, which is one of only six clauses in Article I, sec. 8 (the part of the constitution with the core grants of power to Congress) that expressly limits a grant of power (the others are clauses 1, 12, 15, 16, 17)), then it is appropriate for the Court to find a way to enforce those limits. In other words, they could write, "for the reasons given in Lopez, you were wrong in Lopez, but it would be right to limit Congress here."

    the fear

    The greatest fear we had about this strategy (beyond the backfiring point) was that it all presupposed that the Court got it. It presupposed that the Court understood the problem with extensions of existing terms; that it understood the harm that would do to the internet, and the ability of people to build on the internet; that it saw the law as useless. And before the argument we struggled over and over again with how best to focus the Court on the costs, if in fact they didn't get it.

    the argument

    (1) The most important first indication that was absolutely clear from the argument is that our fear was misplaced. The Court clearly got it. Though the other side had written literally 300 pages trying to show all the good CTEA did (and pronounce it like it is a disease -- sateeeya), the Court hadn't bought any of it. Congress was not acting to promote progress, it was acting to reward "court favorites." The only question the Court was struggling with is whether it has the power to do anything about it.

    Now pause for a second to think about how important and good this struggle is. First: It is a rare but valuable exercise for any branch of government to worry about the scope of its own power. And the greatest virtue the Court exercises is the virtue of self-restraint. This is a reason to respect the Court, not criticize it (though how they exercise their restraint, or where, can be criticized, as I suggest below). But the general idea that it will restrain itself, despite believing a law is stupid, is a feature, not a bug in our constitutional tradition.

    And second: that they are struggling with this question of restraint means they clearly get the problem. They are motivated to do the right thing; they are resisting the right thing for the right reasons. Both sides are good.

    (2) Though it took some hammering, they clearly understood by the end of my argument the dynamic of the argument that we were making. I said, over and over again, that we were advancing an interpretation of "limited times" that had the virtue of actually imposing limits, because otherwise the clause would have no limits. The aim, and I think effect, was to repeat this idea so many times that they had in their heads a simple picture: There was a way to read "limited" so that Congress would not have unlimited power.

    Thus, for example, when I said that limited should be read like "limited edition print," Justice Souter interrupted to say that this was a different kind of case (not a contract, etc.), and I said, yes, but we are simply showing you that there is a plain meaning of the term "limited" that actually produces a limit. He's a very careful justice; he got the point, as did the court by the end. That's not to say he bought it, but he clearly gets the dynamic of the argument: if you believe you must impose a limit on Congress's power, here's a way to impose that limit.

    (3) The government then helped us immensely by simply confirming what we had said: under their theory of the case, there was no constitutional limit on Congress's power to extend terms; it was always a matter of Congress's discretion. Congress could perpetually extend existing terms; it could even extend a copyright to works within the public domain.

    The Court clearly did not like this answer. They had bought the idea that the Constitution intended there to be a limit; the government's interpretation meant that this was a limit that was solely a matter of legislative grace. (Compare: "Under our written Constitution the limitation of congressional authority is not solely a matter of legislative grace.") They were not comfortable with the idea that they would simply say that though the constitution expressly limits Congress's power, it is Congress that gets to say what that limit is.

    (4) This gave me the opening I wanted in the rebuttal to say: On the government's view, the Copyright Clause means Congress has total discretion; but that is plainly inconsistent with 125 years of Supreme Court authority. The very first time the Supreme Court ever struck down a law of Congress because it exceeded a particular grant of power in Article I, sec. 8, was in 1879 in a Copyright Clause Case. Since that time, the Court has repeatedly and unanimously imposed limits on Congress's power in the name of Copyright Clause. All of those limits so far have been implied limits. The Court has held that of all the "authors" and "writings" that might be granted copyright, only those that are "original" are allowed copyright; and it has held that of all the inventions or writings that can get patent or copyright protection, only works that are not in the public domain can get the benefit of the copyright and patent clause protection. Both of these limits are implied. Yet here, with the only express limit on Congress's Copyright Clause power, the government was arguing that in effect, the limit was limitless. This, I argued, is fundamentally inconsistent with this 125 year history, and shows the government must be wrong in its view.

    (5) Finally, the government's repeated invocation of the "delicate balance" that Congress has struck became too much to ignore by the end. My final point before the Court is ultimately the most compelling politically, though not directly relevant to the constitutional argument: Under the current term of 95 years, under the most conservative assumptions about royalty income and interest rates, the current term gives authors 99.8% of the value of a perpetual term. Put differently, the current "delicate balance" between author and the public is 99.8% to the author, .2% to the public. (Check out footnote 6, page 6 of the economists' brief if you want to do the numbers.)

    after thoughts and advice on interpretation (read: clues on the game)

    Lots of people have made tons of noise about what the court asked questions about and what it did not ask questions about. In my experience, this is not an indicator of anything. One hour is an extraordinarily small amount of time to consider the issues in this case. They ask question about things that need to be discussed. They let go things that they get from the briefs. When I clerked, oral argument was irrelevant to 90% of the cases; that is because they do their work based on the writing, and unlike most branches of government, they actually do their work.

    That said, there was lots I was unhappy we didn't get more of a chance to discuss. Here's an enumeration of what's open and what we've got to win.

    (1) 1790 Act: We lose if they are not careful about the interpretation of the 1790 Act. We need the originalists; we therefore need to defeat the government's claim that "CTEA = the 1790 Act." The arguments here are not even close if you pay attention to the history. It is simply and absolutely false to say that the 1790 Act "undoubtedly extended existing terms" as the government says. The 1790 Act (1) did not extend any term (since there was no federal term before 1790); (2) it did not, on balance, effectively extend existing terms (because the law at the time included both state common law and statutory law granting copyrights, and while it may have extended the term of the works protected by the state statutes, it shortened the term of works protected under the common law); and finally (3) even for works protected under the state statute, 3 states expressly stated they didn't mean their statute to displace the common law. Thus, it is more likely the 1790 Act shortened, not lengthened, terms.

    That conclusion is supported by the numbers reported by William Maher. He actually counted the number of copyrights granted to works published before 1790. Of the 21,000 works published between 1790 and 1800, we have record of just 699 copyrights. Of the 699 copyrights, only 12 are for works published before 1790. Of the 12, 5 are for works protected by state statute. The remaining 7 were presumptively protected by the common law. Thus, of the records we have, the majority of terms were plainly shortened, rather than lengthened. And the clearest reading of what the framers thought they were doing was simply moving to a new federal regime, and ending the continuing effect of the old state regime.

    We need to win this point. Of all the arguments in this case, it is the only one that I am 100% certain of (the rest I'm at 99.8%). But it wasn't discussed much, which creates lots of anxiety.

    (2) The Lopez-Eldred link: The other point that seemed lost on the Chief Justice was that this was a Lopez case -- or more importantly, it was a Lopez-plus case. If the Commerce Clause must be interpreted to imply limits, then the Copyright Clause must be interpreted to give effect to express limits. There is no principled way to distinguish them, except to say that between the two, it is the Copyright Clause that more clearly demands judicial enforcement of its limits. Yet the Chief Justice (author of Lopez and this line of authority) didn't seem to recognize the link. If it is not made, then again, we lose. Yet of all the parts of this that will be hardest to accept, it would be a decision that is inconsistent in just this way that would be worst. What possible reason of principle could there be for restricting Congress when it comes to federalism interests, but not when it comes to the public domain, except the ugly reasons? For someone who must teach constitutional law every year, this is the part I fear most.

    (3) Which Bright Line: Justices Souter and Scalia were trying to figure out which bright line made most sense: that Congress can't restore copyright to works in the public domain, or that Congress can't extend the term of existing copyrights. The obvious question which no one asked is: Why do we expect works will be allowed to pass into the public domain again? Look at the pattern:

    The effect of term extension is to toll (stop) the passing of works into the public domain. In the first 100 years of the republic, the public domain was tolled like this for only 14 years (14%). In the next 50 years, the public domain was tolled for 14 years again (28%). But when CTEA expires, the public domain will have been tolled for 39 out of 55 years, or 70% of the time since 1962. If the Supreme Court says ok to this, then why would anyone expect 70% won't become 100%? The line that says Congress can't restore copyrights to works in the public domain may be bright, but it is in a very dim world indeed.

    final thoughts

    I am obviously extremely happy with where we are. The Court is struggling with the right issue; they are motivated to get the right answer; they have a clear and simple way to give the right answer; the government has made it very hard to accept its answer. It is always hard to get the Court to strike a law of Congress, but this law is so universally flawed, and the case against it is so universally strong, that I continue to be confident that the Court could choose to strike the law.

    I am obviously also unhappy with those "swings-and-a-miss" that happened in the argument. As I said before the argument, if we win it will be because 4 years of activism by many many people have changed the public's view about the importance of these issues. But as someone who believes this the rare case where the law, properly and carefully read, yields one right answer, there is no way I will ever be able to escape the thought that if we lose, it is because I am not the advocate that some could have been. It is the particular hell for lawyers that after an argument, we live in the purgatory of constantly reliving the argument. Every night since Wednesday I have awoken in the middle of the night, to spend the rest of the night reanswering Justice Ginsburg, or asking Chief Justice Rehnquist just how he could distingiush Commerce from Copyright. The kind words of so many notwithstanding, I know and have always known I am not Larry Tribe, or Kathleen Sullivan. And if, after getting this so close to the right result, I have lost this by not being them, then I am not quite sure how I will live with that fact.

    So please, no more of the bullshit about "rockstars" or "visionary." I've lived this struggle every moment of the last 4 years; it will take a long time for me to escape it, especially if we don't prevail. I want to turn my head elsewhere, and my heart elsewhere too. So I apologize if I don't follow up on this, or the arguments this might begin. Please, in the spirit of the best of this sphere, carry these argument along, and correct the many mistakes I have made. But I need a night when the limits of this lawyer don't keep this lawyer awake.

    I am grateful to an extraordinary number of people, most importantly, Eric Eldred, but also the hundreds who have worked on this case, the people, like Lisa, who slept out at the court to watch this argument, and Brewster who drove across the country to teach the lessons -- too many to count. If we have won, it is your work that has made this happen. That the press chooses to focus differently does not change that fact. At least this space can speak the truth about this fact.

    Peace, quiet, and may terms be limited.

    posted on [ Oct 13 02 at 4:51 AM ] to [ eldred.cc ] [ 13 Comments ]

    keeping focus

    Tomorrow the Supreme Court will hear arguments in Eldred v. Ashcroft. In the past weeks, and especially the past week, I've received an extraordinary amount of mail, ranging from wishes of good luck, to demands that I "win." And as well has the press been extraordinary. (Check out Google's cool new service for a list. Even Declan is reporting the story, if only to report that the Ayn Rand Institute has pronounced me a Marxist (along with Milton Friedman, Ronald Coase, James Buchanan and Phyllis Schlafly I assume.)).

    When we brought this case 4 years ago, there were many allies who said that there was no way we could win. The reason they were right four years ago is that the world did not yet see how important these issues are, and just what's at stake. In four years, that has changed. Not because we brought this case, or because of anything I've done in this case, but because of an extraordinary number of people who have been pushing to make this issue understandable.

    It is extremely hard to win a case like this. I have given it everything I have, and I believe we are right, and have a good shot in showing it. But the important lesson from the attention this case is getting now is this: There is an extraordinary passion and energy out there for the ideals that Eric Eldred and others represent, and that if we do something to push these ideas, we can have an effect.

    Thank you for the extraordinary outpouring of support. But please, regardless of what happens here, let us not lose the momentum. Freeing culture is what our framers did; we can do it again, regardless of what 5 justices on the Supreme Court say.

    posted on [ Oct 9 02 at 5:09 AM ] to [ eldred.cc ] [ 18 Comments ]

  • by Anonymous Coward on Sunday October 13, 2002 @12:37PM (#4441164)
    This is a reason to respect the Court, not criticize it (though how they exercise their restraint, or where, can be criticized, as I suggest below). But the general idea that it will restrain itself, despite believing a law is stupid, is a feature, not a bug in our constitutional tradition.
  • doesn't anybody code any more?
  • by ageitgey ( 216346 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @12:56PM (#4441218) Homepage
    For those of you who are too lazy to actually follow this, here's the quick summary of where we are at:

    Remember that just because a law is "bad" and horribly unbalanced towards lobbists doesn't make it illegal unless there is some specific legal reason the law is unconstitutional.

    Basically, Eldred is arguing that because we have a Constitution of enumerated powers (Congress can only do what the constitution specifically allows), that the power to extend copyright must be limited. In other words, the Constitution grants Congress specific powers. If Congress continually extends copyright, than it has unlimited power (which the Constitution doesn't give it).

    So far it seems the court is buying this argument. The court seems to be unsure though if it has any power to do anything about it. This is good news to Lessig, because it means the court buys the limited power argument.

    The case was also helped by a government bumble. The government argued that there is no constitutional limit on the ability of Congress to extend copyright, thus the extention was legal. This actually helped Eldred because the court did not like this view at all. The court did not support the idea that the constitution limits the powers of Congress, but that Congress gets to set what the limits are. In effect, the government proved Eldred's point themselves.

    So there is a fighting chance that Eldred might win. Everyone say a big thanks to people like Lessig who are fighting hard for the public's right to the "creative commons".

    To quote Lessig:

    "Peace, quiet, and may terms be limited."
    • by kscguru ( 551278 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @03:11PM (#4441794)
      VERY good pints, though I think I might comment/elaborate on a few of them.

      Remember that just because a law is "bad" and horribly unbalanced towards lobbists doesn't make it illegal unless there is some specific legal reason the law is unconstitutional.

      Exactly right - and the Supreme Court would be correct in maintaining a law passed entirely by lobbyists over the objections of 90% of the American people. Why? Because the Constitution doesn't prevent it. And in the U.S., there is no law higher than the Constitution. Immoral, yes, but illegal, no.

      I even think this is necessary - because think of the opposite. How many laws were passed with the support of 90% of the people over the objections of lobbyists? Answer: a whole bunch of important ones. Taft-Hartley (sp?) on labor laws, Sherman Antitrust, Amendment 19 (?) (women voting). If we want the people to overrule lobbyists sometimes, we need to let lobbyists overrule us sometimes - because the people can always re-elect a more favorable Congress.

      So far it seems the court is buying [the limited powers] argument. The court seems to be unsure though if it has any power to do anything about it. This is good news to Lessig, because it means the court buys the limited power argument.

      It's actually a very good thing the court is unsure if it has power. In fact, the court almost ALWAYS asks if it has power to intervene... you'll notice that since the court rejects upwards of 90% of the cases appealed to them. A big part of those appeals are cases where the court doesn't feel it should issue a ruling.

      Another example, the Florida election stuff. That debacle was an example of the Court deciding it DID have power (and deciding very quickly, and without much justification). IMO, a more correct ruling would have been to just say that "how a state runs its elections is its own business" and just refuse the matter entirely. This was basically the minority opinion. I'm not arguing the merits or outcome of the decision (I would have remanded it with instructions for a re-hearing, but I'm not a Supreme), but most of the mess occurred because the Court jumped too quickly into an area it shouldn't have entered.

      Perhaps the Court even feels burned because of the Florida voting episode, and is trying to be extraordinarily cautious with its power (and even more so because more eyes are looking for faults!)

      The case was also helped by a government bumble. The government argued that there is no constitutional limit on the ability of Congress to extend copyright, thus the extention was legal. This actually helped Eldred because the court did not like this view at all. The court did not support the idea that the constitution limits the powers of Congress, but that Congress gets to set what the limits are. In effect, the government proved Eldred's point themselves.

      As much as the Court hates giving itself power, it likes giving someone else power even less. A better argument might have been that there is a limit but Congress should determine it; but instead, the government chose to try to defend the whole thing. It almost feels like they're giving the case away. Thus: I'm watching carefully to see if someone responds to "an erosion of copyright law" by introducing a new, draconian law with overwhelming support. Cyncial, yes, but I'm very cynical when politicians are involved.

      Very good summary, my complements to you good sir.

  • Dancing With Joy (Score:3, Insightful)

    by Catiline ( 186878 ) <akrumbach@gmail.com> on Sunday October 13, 2002 @12:59PM (#4441232) Homepage Journal
    I really, really like this. Reading the articles from the various news sources since last Wenesday has had me a mite bit worried-- some of them were quite pessimistic and a few outright suggested that the Court might side with Ashcroft et al.

    Now, I realize that Lessig might be tooting his own horn here, but I also think that (given previous indicators of his stance) he is being honest with his audience. The race is over, all that's left is for the judges to examine the photo finish. In fact, Lessig even says he's worried, but I don't have much of a fear. To quote from his summary:
    I am obviously extremely happy with where we are. The Court is struggling with the right issue; they are motivated to get the right answer; they have a clear and simple way to give the right answer; the government has made it very hard to accept its answer. It is always hard to get the Court to strike a law of Congress, but this law is so universally flawed, and the case against it is so universally strong, that I continue to be confident that the Court could choose to strike the law.

    Yep, it looks like things are getting better. Heck, after this take an eBook or DVD with (newly added) public domain material on it and you've got a potental DMCA breaker.
    • by smd4985 ( 203677 )
      I too am heartened by Lessig's blog.
      I hardly think he is tooting his own horn, either - if anything he is trying to spread the thanks. He distinctly says I'm not a 'visionary' or a 'rock star', just a (albeit influential) cog in the movement. It is this humility that is motivating me to go to law school - so this technologist can fight the good fight with the necessary tools.

      That said, here is the constitution excerpt:
      "To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries;"

      How the government can believe that limited can be unlimited up to congress' discretion is laughable. Especially considering Jefferson's views on patents and copyrights. 'limited' means 'limited for a reasonable time', and 95 years or howmuchsoever after the death of the author is totally unreasonable.
  • by Raul654 ( 453029 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @01:00PM (#4441235) Homepage
    (IMHO)

    It is the particular hell for lawyers that after an argument, we live in the purgatory of constantly reliving the argument. Every night since Wednesday I have awoken in the middle of the night, to spend the rest of the night reanswering Justice Ginsburg, or asking Chief Justice Rehnquist just how he could distingiush Commerce from Copyright. The kind words of so many notwithstanding, I know and have always known I am not Larry Tribe, or Kathleen Sullivan. And if, after getting this so close to the right result, I have lost this by not being them, then I am not quite sure how I will live with that fact.

    I guess with lawyers, it isn't a game anymore. It takes years to go through the courts, and reversals are rare. You lose, and you lose
    • by dreamword ( 197858 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @01:21PM (#4441329) Homepage
      That was the most interesting part of the article for me too. And he's right -- he isn't Larry Tribe or Kathleen Sullivan (whose casebook I'm taking a break from to post on /.). The hell of it is, "rockstar" notwithstanding, if it weren't for the Microsoft case and the Eldred case, he might be Larry Tribe or Kathleen Sullivan. I mean, he's not exactly going the Dershowitz route ("scholarship be damned, gimme my publicity!"), but he's not exactly going the Larry Tribe route either. Mass-market books and high-profile cases are good, but he implies in his blog that he's moving on, and I think that's a good thing.

      But he's giving more than they would or could to this and other causes, and his smart and zealous advocacy is more than we (the people) could really have hoped for. If we lose, it won't be because of the oral argument. This is really a case that gets decided on the briefs, IMHO. And goddamn, are those briefs good.

      • For those IANAL's among us, incl. myself,
        who are Sullivan and Tribe and what makes
        them special?
        • by dreamword ( 197858 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @03:45PM (#4441926) Homepage
          FYI, IANYAL either, but a mere 1L.

          Kathleen Sullivan is currently the dean of Stanford Law School, where Lessig teaches. She was listed as one of the attorneys who worked on the brief in the Eldred case. She's a well-known Constitutional Law scholar. And other than the fact that, with Gerald Gunther, she's put together a damn fine casebook that I've once again emerged from briefly, I don't know too much else. She's a very well-respected first amendment scholar, but not a mass media figure at all (hence my comparison to Dershowitz). She was a lead lawyer in the DeCSS case and in a host of other Supreme Court cases. For all the rest of the details, including a 21-page CV, go here [stanford.edu].

          Larry Tribe is another very well-respected professor of constitutional law. He's taught at Harvard Law School since 1968, and his book American Constitutional Law is generally regarded as really, really important (seems to be quoted a lot by all sorts of judges, by Sullivan and Gunther in their casebook, and elsewhere). He seems to be basically the most highly respected con law professor in the country. Keep in mind we're talking about Laurence Tribe, the professor, not Lawrence Tribe, the judge. He is also, more than anyone, the man who "borked" Robert Bork, and a very experienced practitioner before the Supreme Court. Google him for more info; it's everywhere.

          Note that Sullivan, Tribe, and Lessig are all in the same business: teaching constitutional law. That's what Lessig teaches at Stanford, not anything directly IP-related. This spring, he's teaching Con Law I and "Law and Virtual Worlds". Thus, it's natural for him to compare himself to Sullivan and Tribe, two of his most respected colleagues in his subject area: con law profs who argue before the Supreme Court in important cases.
          • Don't forget that Larry Tribe argued for Gore in Bush v. Gore before the Supreme Court.

            Interesting that you note that Sullivan is not a mass media figure. At Stanford, people joke about Justice Sullivan -- it seems to the student body that she wants desperately to be on the Supreme Court. I think she'd like to be a mass media figure, if that could help her get on the bench.

            BTW, I had Sullivan & Gunther's casebook for con law in law school -- I hated it. Somehow, Gunther and/or Sullivan forgot what paragraphs are. Very tiring to read pages upon pages with no paragraph breaks. Good selection of cases, though.
  • by hillct ( 230132 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @01:12PM (#4441279) Homepage Journal
    I heard - as we all did - the reporting on the oral arguments which sounded to many as though Lessig had lost, and this piece is written in a style that suggests Lessig believes he has lost as well. Most notably where Lessig releatedly used the phrase 'the court bought [the argument]' where he probably meant to say 'the court understood the argument'. It has the tone of a man who isn't especially confident in his persuasive abilities.

    As for the earlier comments about how Lessig should not be revealing his hand in published writings regarding his arguments while a decision still hasn't been handed down, you have to realize that he is not presenting some novel new argument here. There is little need for secrecy here since these arguments have been bandied about the net for the past 4 years. In oral arguments it is not so much the content but the persuasive power of the orator delivering the argument that counts. Most have expressed concern about Lessig's oratory so let's hope he's correct in his observations when he says:
    When I clerked, oral argument was irrelevant to 90% of the cases; that is because they do their work based on the writing
    All we can do now though is wait for the decision to be handed down. Lessig dis make one other observation that struck me as vary telling. That is, the court is unlikely to deliver a broad decision here. If they choose to discount Lessig's arguments they are still unlikely to be comfortable saying that "though the constitution expressly limits Congress's power, it is Congress that gets to say what that limit is." which is esentially what they'd be saying if their decision goes against the apellant.

    --CTH
  • worried (Score:5, Insightful)

    by netwiz ( 33291 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @01:15PM (#4441293) Homepage
    that lessig's second concern might be the case, that the Chief Justice doesn't see the connection. I'm not suggesting that the Rehnquist is a lousy justice (granted, he's made some decisions I don't agree with, but that's par for the course for two human beings), but as another poster suggested, if they see that the limits are appropriate for the changes that have occurred in the past hundred or so years, then the court will side w/ the government. However, as Lessig suggests, it's a rare opportunity for one branch to rein in another. In prior cases, tho, it seems like the Court has been happy to let things go as they are, rarely interveneing. I don't have a real problem with this, as I can see the conservative nature of the Court, and I don't necessarily want them setting a precedent of screwing w/ Congress on a regular basis, but given the crack-addled laws that have been streaming out of there lately, I think they'd be justified in acting more often.

    I'm personally surprised at the economic analysis of authors vs. public, in that the current "delicate balance" gives about 0.2% of the value of the work back to the public, with the author (or really, the copyright holder) retaining the other 99.8%. That's so screwed up it's not funny. I kind of wonder what it would take (in terms of length of copyright) to get that down to a 50-50 split. However, it's been like this for a while, and I don't know if the Court really wants that to change, or, if they do decide to act, exactly how much change they're going to affect.

    I dunno. I feel for Lessig (as I can empathize w/ him regarding the doubts of his performance), and I hope for his sake and the public's, that the government loses.
  • by Anonymous Coward on Sunday October 13, 2002 @01:21PM (#4441323)
    Especially the part about who Lessig considers allies (Stevens, Souter, and Bryer) not being interested in arguments that limit government power.

    If these "heroes" are not interested in limiting government power, why the hell are they held in such high regard by a /. commnunity that places such importance on individual freedom?

    • by bnenning ( 58349 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @03:09PM (#4441785)
      Liberals believe in actively using government power to help people, and as such don't want many limits placed on that power. Conservatives believe that government often does more harm than good when it interferes too much, and therefore its power should be strictly limited. Both sides should have no problem opposing the CTEA, as it both expands government power and harms ordinary citizens. Of course, this is only in theory; both sides should also logically oppose the War on Drugs for the same reasons, but that hasn't happened yet.
    • If these "heroes" are not interested in limiting government power, why the hell are they held in such high regard by a /. commnunity that places such importance on individual freedom?


      Limiting govt power in and of itself isn't inherently a "good" or "bad" thing. It just depends on the circumstances in which it's done - for example, giving the Govt the ability to take firearms away from convicted felons might contradict a constitutional amendment, but in the scheme of things, it may be better for society.

      It boils down to context, I guess.

      -- james
  • the level of ignorence that exists in the general public.

    they see the public domain as a system the steal works legaly fromt he creators....

    they just don't get it.

    and part of the problem is that hollywood has mushed that idea into there heads.

    it is a very sad situation
    • by Skjellifetti ( 561341 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @02:24PM (#4441590) Journal
      You are right. We, the ignorant public, just don't get it. Someone worked very hard to write the music, book, whatever. You did nothing. And yet you believe that you are entitled to the benefits of that work without paying anything for those benefits. Nope, we just don't get it.

      I laughed at my father years ago in my leftist youth when he told me an old quote variously attributed to Churchill, Clemanceau, Shaw, Russell, and Disraeli:

      Any man who is not a socialist at age 20 has no heart.
      Any man who is still a socialist at age 40 has no head.


      One day, you, too will not get it either.
  • by A non moose cow ( 610391 ) <slashdot@rilo.org> on Sunday October 13, 2002 @01:28PM (#4441358) Journal
    Until I started following this issue I had never considered the 'length of copyright' laws, but did always wonder who had the 'rights' to classical music and Shakespeare, etc.

    I have lived my entire life in a period where termination of a copyright is a non-existent thing. This situation is 'normal' to us because we have never experienced life without it. We never think to check up on if a copyright has expired so that we can make a derivative work... we just assume that we can't use it because it hasn't expired. The very idea of making a derivative work has simply become unthinkable... in a very literal sense.

    We all know that tomorrow's ideas build on yesterday's. Since the wording of the constitution is apparently open to interpretation in this case, I hope the court considers the potential benefits to the populous of freeing these works. I hope the court does not find the idea 'unthinkable' just because it is the familiar status quo.
    • Shakespeare's work should be unencumbered, but specific performances and derivative works may not be. I wouldn't recommend trying to videotape, say, The Reduced Shakespeare Company performing one of their altered versions and using the clip in a music video unless you get their permission first. Likewise for classical music; you should be able to get the sheets and perform it yourself, but a specific performance by, say, the Boston Philharmonic may be off-limits.
      • by Speare ( 84249 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @07:11PM (#4442596) Homepage Journal

        Actually, sheet music itself is a vigorously enforced area of Copyright. There are many ways to write the same essential tune, just like the Perl motto of There Is More Than One Way To Do It. Sheet music authors (and player piano roll creators before them) rabidly protect against their unauthorized reproduction.

        Think of the sheet music as an image which represents the music. The older sheets may in fact be turned out to public domain by now, but anything printed since the 50s is just as locked up as Winnie the Pooh drawings and Elvis Presley recordings.

        • by msaavedra ( 29918 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @07:43PM (#4442755)
          The older sheets may in fact be turned out to public domain by now...

          Just as a slightly off-topic tangent, there is a fairly good source of public domain classical sheet music available here [sheetmusicarchive.net]. I especially like the quote from Beethoven at the top. It sounds like he was an Open Source advocate nearly 200 years before our current movement began.

    • One of the scariest things about this last extension is that some copyrights HAD expired, then were reinstated.

      That is what is the most obscene thing about the extension, IMHO. Republication of several volumes which have long been out-of-print because it made no economic sense for the IP holder (the cost of tracking down the heirs could easily exceed the physical costs of a low volume publication run!) have been forced to be suspended with no renumeration to the parties who had already spent good money to prepare for publication of the material once it entered the public domain, for absolutely no benefit to anyone except that it protected a few corporate logos.

      Quick, when was the last time Mickey Mouse appeared in a Disney animation? I think there was a short released with one of the animated films a few years ago, but before that you would have to go back to the 50s. When was the last time Steamboat Willie appeared in any theater outside of the Disney theme parks? Mickey is still protected as a trademark, but you can't credibly claim that the early works still need copyright protection.
      • One of the scariest things about this last extension is that some copyrights HAD expired, then were reinstated.

        I believe it was a different extension, and it only applies to works by foreigners that failed to fulfil certain technicalities of US law at the time. Which, IMO, is fair; it's reasonable to ask Americans to take whatever random actions it takes to get copyright in American, but to ask everyone to jump through hoops (different for each country) is not acceptable.
        • by DarkVein ( 5418 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @07:07PM (#4442572) Journal

          This is part of the Bern Convention. This is an international treaty on Copyright policy. The policy favors inherited royalties (lifetime plus 50 years) on all works, and sets a standard for which works are still covered by copyright. Realistically, it clears up if heirs should still recieve royalties.

          The US would have to break from the Bern Convention for meaningful copyright reform, though we only signed on in the last two decades. This itself is pretty encumberant, but it's the least of our troubles. The US is also a member state of the WIPO and WTO, each of which have the power to repeal (without popular vote) laws which impeed international trade. Google for the Clean Air Act.

  • by EricEldred ( 175470 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @01:34PM (#4441379) Homepage
    As the lead plaintiff in the case, I want to extend my greatest appreciation to Larry Lessig for taking on this case and arguing it so skillfully before the Supreme Court.

    No doubt all of us will agonize over what we could have done better. But in the last four years we have raised the level of debate significantly on the role of copyright in the digital age. Today it would likely be impossible for legislation such as the CTEA to be passed.

    What we need to do now is transfer some of the momentum from the Eldred case toward fighting some of the bad legislation beginning with the DMCA and including the Coble bills. After the Eldred decision, we can plan our next moves for new legislation that promotes the public interest.

    Please support the public domain now by freely publishing your own ideas from your own website. Make new derivative works by digitizing works that are now in the public domain. Support the EFF, EPIC, Public Knowledge, Creative Commons, and Project Gutenberg and other online libraries.

    And thanks for your support in all this!

    • No, thank *you* (Score:5, Insightful)

      by InterruptDescriptorT ( 531083 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @01:42PM (#4441412) Homepage
      Actually, it is you whom we ought to thank, firstly for all the work you are doing with the library and also for pressing the case and having the tenacity to take it all the way to the Supremes.

      Regardless of the outcome, you have raised this issue in the media and finally people are starting to become aware of the awesome power of the copyright holders and the great potential of the public domain that may be lost if it weren't for you.

      I do have a vested interest: I put a lot of poetry (Dickinson, Poe, St. Vincent Millay [if you win :-)]) to music in a modern setting, bringing the great works to a whole new audience. If you win, and I sincerely hope you do, then it benefits not just you, not me, but everybody.

      Thanks.
  • After they win... (Score:3, Interesting)

    by Murdock037 ( 469526 ) <tristranthornNO@SPAMhotmail.com> on Sunday October 13, 2002 @02:25PM (#4441596)
    ...Somebody ought to put together a little DVD collection of the earliest Mickey Mouse shorts that would now be public domain. And donate proceeds to the EFF.

    A little thanks to Lessig, and a little fsck you to Disney.
  • by SiliconEntity ( 448450 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @03:32PM (#4441878)
    What people are forgetting here is that Congress represents the people of the United States. Representatives and Senators serve at the pleasure of their constituents. If they consistently pass laws which the people of the United States hate, they will lose their jobs.

    This is why the Supreme Court is hesitant to overturn such laws, because there is another check on unjust laws, namely the ballot box. It is only when Congress is overstepping its bounds in a matter where the people support them that the Court is really needed to step in. When the majority takes on too much power and infringes on the rights of the minority, the Supreme Court can act to limit these excesses.

    But this does not seem to be what is happening in the case of copyright extensions. It's not like there's a powerless minority whose rights are being infringed by policies supported by the majority of the American people. Rather, these copyright extensions are technical matters that most people simply don't care about. They aren't important enough to make or break a Congressman's career.

    What needs to happen is that this has to be solved in the political arena. People who think that copyright policy should be changed need to convince others of that fact, to get them interested in the dispute, to attract supporters and political power. Then they can convince Congress to change its policies.

    This issue is a simply and fundamentally a matter of politics. The dispute needs to be resolved in the political arena. It may seem easier to convince 9 members of the Supreme Court than the American people. But ultimately it will be more just and more fair to effect change by convincing people, the American people, that these changes are worthwhile.

    We have a representative government, but that doesn't mean that everything they do is what you personally would want. What it does mean is that you can try to convince people that your ideas are good, and if you get enough support, the government will go along. That is the proper course for political change in a representative democracy.
    • by Anonymous Coward
      > If they consistently pass laws which the people of the United States hate, they will lose their jobs.

      Not so. Just as history is replete with documented reasons why socialism is a long term failure, it is also replete with reasons why democracy is also a failure.

      Humanity is, on whole, a nasty affair.

      First, the masses are out to get something for nothing. Those without jobs will vote for the likes of national health care based on a tax they don't pay. I believe the quote is "The downfall of democracy comes when the population discovers they control the purse strings."

      Second, the masses generally feel that "it's not their problem". If it doesn't affect them personally, and tangibly, they simply don't care and will accept the status-quo.

      Third, the masses generally assume that any activity that they don't participate in themselves, isn't worthy of others either.

      In combination, the notion that the electorate can, or will, "fix" a government gone awry is simply preposterous.

      Germany was a democracy -- Hitler still happend.

      Unfortunately, the authors of the Constitution hadn't had the experience of history to know these were the facts.
    • What people are forgetting here is that Congress represents the people of the United States. Representatives and Senators serve at the pleasure of their constituents. If they consistently pass laws which the people of the United States hate, they will lose their jobs.

      Man, how naive can you get?

      Look at the voter turnout figures and start talking to people. You'll find that there is very little confidence in our elected officials on the part of the electorate. Most people don't bother to vote anymore because they feel that there's nobody good to vote for anymore.

      And the politicians know this. They like this. They know that they only chance anyone has of getting in office is by getting sufficient exposure that the people who do vote know about them, and that the only way to do that is through the mass media. But the mass media is owned by large corporations whose only concern is raking in the cash. For the media, money is the only language worth speaking and the only one they'll listen to.

      And what entities in this country now have most of the money? The large corporations, if you haven't guessed it. Those large corporations that don't directly own the media outlets will of course have deals going with those that do, to make sure that only the candidates that are reasonably favorable to their desires will get any real media exposure, much less favorable exposure.

      This works because you can't elect someone you don't know anything about. You and other people might randomly vote for such a candidate, but such a candidate can't win because the votes of people who vote randomly will be distributed more or less evenly amongst the unknown candidates (of which there are quite a few).

      And so the bottom line is that the politicians don't listen to the people anymore, except when what the people are saying happens to coincide with what their corporate masters are saying. When there's a conflict, the corporations win.

      This explains the DMCA. It explains the CTEA. It explains the airline bailout. It explains why corporations were able to get away with bamboozling their investors for so long. It explains the FCC's behavior. And it nicely explains the foreign policy decisions of the United States.

      You can ignore all this and continue to believe that the U.S. is the shining beacon of peace and democracy in the world. But you do so at your peril, especially in light of the recent incursions on the rights and freedoms of the people (such as the current policy of the government to indefinitely detain, on a whim, anyone it decides to label an "enemy combatant").

  • meaning of limited (Score:3, Insightful)

    by solferino ( 100959 ) <`moc.liamg' `ta' `mehczah'> on Sunday October 13, 2002 @04:34PM (#4442106) Homepage

    Thus, for example, when I said that limited should be read like "limitThus, for example, when I said that limited should be read like "limited edition print," Justice Souter interrupted to say that this was a different kind of case (not a contract, etc.), and I said, yes, but we are simply showing you that there is a plain meaning of the term "limited" that actually produces a limit. He's a very careful justice; he got the point, as did the court by the end


    I think the example of the use of the word limited as in 'limited print edition' is a good one.

    To spell it out :

    someone produces 100 prints in a 'limited edition'

    sometime later they say this is still a limited edition but we are going to produce another 100 prints - now it is a limited edition of only 200 prints

    again, further down the road they produce another 100 prints but maintain it is still a 'limited edition'

    seen in this way their use of 'limited' is obviously bogus - and the analogy carries directly to how the congress is interpreting the use of the term 'limited' in the copyright clause
  • by Anonymous Coward

    Dear Mr. Lessig:

    Thanks for all your work in helping to provide a better future America, by trying to right (some of) the wrongs that Congress has recently committed. Even if we lose, you have forever changed my impression of lawyers with your two popular books and your work on this case.

    As an engineer, I thought lawyers could only be a heinous lecherous drain on society; after seeing your work, I now admit that I was wrong. I'm happy to learn that there is some good in everybody (and quite a bit in you!), even in lawyers.

    Keep on fighting the good fight! Don't despair if we lose this battle. There are many more battles ahead (such as the DMCA) for which we desperately need your help. Please stay in the game. Until the last liberty-loving American has given up and emmigrated to a more free society, and while there are many who are too poor to escape the tyranny, we still need you!

    Thank you from the bottom of my heart,

    Name Withheld (because there are no benefits to associating my name with this noble cause, and many liabilities.)

  • by ckd ( 72611 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @06:31PM (#4442465) Homepage

    Free Mickey Mouse [economist.com] is the Economist's story on Lessig, subtitled "Lawrence Lessig wants less copyright protection, including for Disney's famous rodent". Good article.

    It begins as follows:

    LAW professors rarely boast an army of "fans", but Lawrence Lessig is no run-of-the-mill academic. Now at Stanford University, formerly at Harvard, Mr Lessig has become a rock star of the information age, mixing scholarly inquiry with barnstorming activism on many issues.
  • by ink ( 4325 ) on Sunday October 13, 2002 @06:37PM (#4442479) Homepage
    For those wondering about lessig's mention of the Ayn Rand thing:
    From: Ayn Rand Institute Media davidh@aynrand.org

    Date: Mon Oct 7, 2002 8:10:04 PM US/Eastern
    To: Op-ed.list@heroic.aynrand.org
    Subject: WOULD-BE INTELLECTUAL VANDALS GET THEIR DAY IN THE SUPREME COURT

    Op-Ed from the Ayn Rand Institute

    WOULD-BE INTELLECTUAL VANDALS GET THEIR DAY IN THE SUPREME COURT

    Those who are spearheading the current legal challenge to the copyright law favor intellectual cannibalism masquerading as creativity and free speech.

    By Amy Peikoff, J.D.

    In 1998 Congress, pursuant to its Constitutional power to determine the duration of federal copyright protection, passed a law extending the term of that protection by 20 years. This law brought United States copyright protection in line with that already afforded in Europe. In addition, as the average life expectancy in the United States now exceeds 70 years, the law brings copyright protection in line with the legal vehicle for the posthumous control of tangible property--the law of testamentary trusts, which bases the term of such control on a human lifespan.

    Despite the reasonableness of this law, Stanford professor Lawrence Lessig is spearheading a legal challenge to it, culminating in his argument before the Supreme Court this Wednesday. Lessig, who seems to have become, in the words of New York Times writer Amy Harmon, "a rock star for the digital liberties set," is expected to argue that the law is "overly restrictive of the free-speech rights of would-be users of copyrighted material that previously would have been in the public domain."

    In recent decades we have already seen the "right to free speech" extended to mean the "right" to be provided with a free platform for one's speech. Anyone who dares to be successful enough to own a property where the public enjoys gathering--e.g., a shopping mall--is for that reason compelled to allow people to speak on that property. "Free" speech thus means: free of any need to earn one's own physical instrumentalities or audience, or even to pay for the right to borrow someone else's achievements.

    Lessig would have the Supreme Court extend this perversion of free speech to mean: free of any need to pay for the borrowing of someone else's greatest achievement: original thought. Or worse: free of any need sufficiently to digest that original thought so as to be able to put it into one's own words. Appropriating and parroting the creation of others is now, according to Lessig, "free speech."

    Lessig and his allies try to downplay what they are doing by making it an issue of finances. They say things like, "the copyright law used to restrict only big business, which is fine--but now it restricts anyone who has access to the Internet." "Only 2 percent of works protected by copyright," they go on, "create a regular stream of income for their creators." Translation: only a small minority of "non-little" people will be hurt by repealing this law, so why not do it? This attack on money, success and big business--no doubt another symptom of the "Enron" era--is shameful and Marxist. How is the Court, as Lessig demands, to "balance the interests" of original thinkers against those for whom "creativity" consists of cannibalizing--and even vandalizing--the products of others' thought?

    The government is expected to argue--properly--that the Supreme Court cannot arbitrarily impose a definition of "limited times." In other words, the power to set an appropriate time period for copyright protection lies with Congress. Congress has clearly been reasonable in its exercise of that power.

    The other main argument offered by supporters of the 1998 law is that, in the long run, the law will promote creative work, and thus the national welfare, by offering higher profits to those who invest in it. This argument--based on the "public good" standard--is intellectually bankrupt and doomed to failure. Opponents simply counter that more creativity will be fostered by allowing people to obtain and build upon existing works. Many "conservatives," such as Milton Friedman, use the same "public good" standard to argue that the incremental economic payoff provided by the 1998 law is not significant enough to encourage creativity.

    Anyone who raises the standard of the "public good" in this context had better be ready to have his rights in any field adjudicated according to the latest iteration of Jeremy Bentham's utilitarian calculus. In practice, this means according to the premises, preferences, and whims of the judge sitting before him.

    An artist or intellectual is often not only or even primarily concerned to reap the monetary benefits of his works; in addition, he wants to be sure that the integrity of the work is protected against mutilation as long as possible. This is especially true if the work conveys an important artistic or philosophic message. If those in the "digital liberties set" plan to have a field day with others' works of creative genius--bastardizing them into whatever fragments they find appealing, adding any distorting content they choose, then blasting the results all over the internet--what is the point of trying to convey to the world one's own vital viewpoint? What is the reward offered for trying painstakingly to create one's vision of truth or of the ideal universe, and to invite readers to share in it, if our nation's highest court gives Lessig's gang a formal sanction to practice intellectual vandalism on the finished product?

    Amy Peikoff, J.D., is a senior writer for the Ayn Rand Institute in Irvine, CA. The Ayn Rand Institute promotes the philosophy of Ayn Rand, author of Atlas Shrugged and The Fountainhead.

  • What a neat entry (Score:3, Insightful)

    by oooga ( 307220 ) <oooga AT usa DOT net> on Sunday October 13, 2002 @06:51PM (#4442514)
    I guess I don't really know, but I'm assuming that the supreme court justices aren't treated like jurors and are allowed to keep up in the world. If that's true, and any of them happen upon Mr. Lessig's blog, I can't imagine them finishing it unswayed: not only are his arguments logical and convincing (as I'm sure they were in court, which is why this point is redundant from the POV of a justice), his writing is CONSTANTLY complimenting the court for it's treatment of the issues, from any angle possible. When the court refuses to go along with his ideas, they're exercising "rare and valuable restraint" about deciding when they can exercise their powers. When they agree with him on a point they're demonstrating understanding of his case.

    If I didn't agree with Lessig about most everything he's arguing, I'd call him a hopeless sophist, using flattery and reciporical(sp?) reasoning to draw the court into his camp. As it stands, I'm glad we have such a great speaker and convincing logician taking _our_ side for once.

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